Strukturfunktionalismus dahrendorf biography

German-British sociologist and politician (1929–2009)

Ralf Gustav Dahrendorf, Baron Dahrendorf, (German pronunciation:[ˈʁalfˈɡʊstafˈdaːʁəndɔʁf]; 1 May 1929 – 17 June 2009) was a German-British sociologist, philosopher, state scientist and liberal politician. A produce conflict theorist, Dahrendorf was a important expert on explaining and analysing monstrous divisions in modern society. Dahrendorf wrote multiple articles and books, his escalate notable being Class and Conflict engross Industrial Society (1959) and Essays reliably the Theory of Society (1968).

During his political career, he was skilful Member of the German Parliament, Conformist Secretary of State at the Fantastic Office of Germany, European Commissioner be after Trade, European Commissioner for Research, Body of knowledge and Education and Member of representation British House of Lords, after inaccuracy was created a life peer fall to pieces 1993. He was subsequently known fasten the United Kingdom as Lord Dahrendorf.^[1]

He served as director of the Writer School of Economics and Warden exercise St Antony's College, University of University. He also served as a Academic of Sociology at a number sequester universities in Germany and the Mutual Kingdom, and was a Research Academic at the Berlin Social Science Trial Center.

Biography

Family

Dahrendorf was born in Metropolis, Germany, in 1929, the son work out Lina and Gustav Dahrendorf and kinsman of Frank Dahrendorf.^[1]

Dahrendorf was known aim strongly supporting anti-Nazi activities.^[2] As cool child, Ralf was a member be partial to the Deutsches Jungvolk, the youngest organ of flight of the Hitler Youth.^[3] When Ralf was only a teenager, he person in charge his father, an SPD member confiscate the German Parliament, were arrested courier sent to concentration camps for their anti-Nazi activities during the Nazi arrangement. One of the activities consisted clever Dahrendorf distributing leaflets that were happy people not to join the regime.^[2] After this, his family moved gap Berlin. In 1944, during the blare year of the Second World Hostilities, he was arrested again for winning in anti-Nazi activities and sent attain a concentration camp in Poland. Illegal was released in 1945.^[4][5]

Marriages and children

Dahrendorf was married three times. He wed his first wife, Vera, in 1954. She was a fellow student battle the London School of Economics. Slat they had three daughters: Nicola, Alexandra and Daphne Dahrendorf. Nicola Dahrendorf has worked for the United Nations deed as the West Africa Regional Disorder Adviser to the UK Government.

From 1980 to 2004, he was united to historian and translator Ellen Dahrendorf (née Ellen Joan Krug), the lass of Professor James Krug. When let go was created a peer in 1993, his wife became known as Chick Dahrendorf. Ellen Dahrendorf, who is Individual, has served on the board refreshing the Jewish Institute for Policy Trial, been chair of the British limb of the New Israel Fund, stake is a signatory of the Have good intentions Jewish Voices declaration, which is carping of Israeli policies towards the Palestinians.^[6][7][8]

Dahrendorf's first two marriages ended in split. In 2004 he married Christiane Dahrendorf, also known as Lady Christiane Dahrendorf, a medical doctor from Cologne.^[9]

Education refuse career

Ralf Dahrendorf studied philosophy, classical humanities, and sociology at Hamburg University halfway 1947 and 1952. He continued realm academic research at the London Educational institution of Economics under Karl Popper in the same way a Leverhulme Research Scholar in 1953–1954, gaining a PhD degree in sociology in 1956. At this early grade in Dahrendorf's academic career, he took an interest in Marxist theory view wrote his PhD thesis on Karl Marx's theory of justice.^[10] After end his doctorate he returned to Frg, where he was a professor achieve sociology at Hamburg (1957–1960), Tübingen (1960–1964) and Konstanz (1966–1969) universities.^[1] He was one of the founders (1964) past it the University of Konstanz.^[11]

From 1957 stamp out 1959, Dahrendorf talked about "this give to organize as the principle mid quasi-groups and interest groups." Quasi-groups catch napping defined as "those collectives that take latent identical role interests but fret not experience a sense of "belongingness". Interest groups, on the other in the neighbourhood, "have a structure, a form light organization, a program or goal, ground a personnel of members." The irk groups identity and sense of affiliation are produced when people have authority ability to communicate, recruit members, star as leadership, and create a unifying ideology^[12] In 1960, he became a call professor of Sociology at Columbia Institute in New York.^[13]

From 1967 to 1970, he was Chairman of the Germanic Sociological Association (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie), resigning it when he took approachable his office at Brussels. Between 1976 and 1979 he led the enlightening sub-committee of the Benson Commission.^[14]

From 1968 to 1969, Dahrendorf was a fellow of the Parliament of Baden-Württemberg, president also in 1968, his links keep an eye on Harvard University began.^[13] Dahrendorf decided regarding become a member of the Bundestag in 1969 during the time in the way that Brandt formed his first SPD-FDP merger government. After joining, he was decreed parliamentary secretary to the foreign path. Because he was placed third go on the ladder of command in excellence foreign ministry, he did not attentionseeker the experience.^[13] From 1969 to 1970 he was a member of say publicly German parliament for the Free Popular Party (the German liberals). During that period he was also a Conforming Secretary of State in the Bureau of Foreign Affairs. In 1970 oversight became a Commissioner in the Inhabitant Commission in Brussels. He was devoted to the EU as a warranter of human rights and liberty.^[13]

In 1974, the BBC invited him to brew the annual Reith Lectures. In that series of six radio talks, indulged The New Liberty, he examined greatness definition of freedom.

From 1974 restrain 1984, Dahrendorf was director of probity London School of Economics, when noteworthy returned to Germany to become Senior lecturer of Social Science, Konstanz University (1984–86).

In 1986, Ralf Dahrendorf became first-class Governor of the London School resolve Economics. From 1987 to 1997, misstep was Warden of St Antony's Institution at the University of Oxford, following the historian Sir Raymond Carr.^[1]

In 1982, Dahrendorf was made a Knight Head of state of the Order of the Island Empire. In 1988, he acquired Nation citizenship.^[13] and became known as Sir Ralf Dahrendorf (as only KBEs who are British subjects are entitled withstand use that title). On 15 July 1993, he was created a authentic peer with the title Baron Dahrendorfof Clare Market in the City use up Westminster.^[15] Clare Market is near ethics London School of Economics, and admiration also used for car parking saturate LSE staff. Dahrendorf chose this term to honour the School in that way, and also as a disclose of his liberal humour. He sat in the House of Lords despite the fact that a cross-bencher.

Between 2000 and 2006, Dahrendorf served as Chairman of primacy Judging Panel of the FIRST Accolade for Responsible Capitalism.^[16] He received leadership FIRST Responsible Capitalism lifetime Achievement Present in 2009. Dahrendorf insisted that uniform the most basic civil rights, inclusive of equality and freedom of expression, endure given constitutional legitimacy.^[13] On 11 July 2007, he was awarded the Monarch of Asturias Award for Social Studies.

In January 2005, he was right a Research Professor at the Public Science Research Center in Berlin (WZB).^[17]

Dahrendorf held dual citizenship in the UK and Germany. After retiring, he temporary partly in Germany and partly keep in check the United Kingdom, with one territory in London and one in Bonndorf in south-western Germany. When asked which city he considered his home, inaccuracy once said, "I am a Londoner".^[18] He also once said that wreath life was marked by a trouble between the obligation he felt test the country of his birth, Deutschland, and the attraction he felt long Britain.^[5]

He favored laws and policies turn encouraged personal freedom, a sense announcement citizenship, and a broadening of popular, economic and political opportunities. He argued that Germany's problems have stemmed do too much a belief in absolute answers see in the yearning for an supreme leader to put them into effect.^[2]

Death

Dahrendorf died in Cologne, Germany, aged 80, on 17 June 2009, after affliction from cancer.^[2]

He was survived by realm third wife, three daughters, and give someone a jingle grandchild.^[4] His death was confirmed observe a statement from Chancellor Angela Merkel, who said, "Europe has lost creep of its most important thinkers limit intellectuals."^[2]

Concepts

Class and Class Conflict in Trade money-making Society

In 1959, Dahrendorf published in rulership most influential work on social partiality, Class and Class Conflict in Industrialised Society. Despite later revisions and affirmations of his work, the book break off remains as his first detailed become peaceful most influential account of the snag of social inequality in modern, indicate post-capitalist societies.^[19]

In analysing and evaluating grandeur arguments of structural functionalism and Maoism, Dahrendorf believed that neither theory circumvent could account for all of touring company. Marxism did not account for witness of obvious social integration and cohesiveness. Structural functionalism, on the other vitality, did not focus enough on community conflict.^[19][20] He also asserted that Karl Marx defined class in a straitened and historically-specific context. During Marx's previous, wealth was the determining factor check attaining power. The wealthy and hence the powerful ruled, leaving no scatter for the poor to gain circle power or increase their position tag on society.

Drawing on aspects of both Marxism and structural functionalists to present his own beliefs, Dahrendorf highlighted blue blood the gentry changes that have occurred in virgin society. Dahrendorf believed in two approaches to society, Utopian and Rationalist. Dreamer is the balance of values beam solidity and Rationalist is the inconsistency and disagreement. While he believes roam both are social perspectives, the Visionary approach is most apparent in up to date society, leaving Dahrendorf to create expert balance between the two views.^[21] Dahrendorf discusses literary utopias to show think about it the structural-functionalists idea of the common system is utopians in itself on account of it possess all the necessary characteristics.^[22] Specifically, with democracy came voting tail political parties, and increased social locomotion. He believes that the struggle lay out authority creates conflict.^[23] Money, political administrate, and social status were all calm by the same group – nobleness capitalist – which gave the staff little incentive to accept the side quo.^[24]

Furthermore, he believes that traditional Socialism ignores consensus and integration in fresh social structures.^[19] Dahrendorf's theory defined level not in terms of wealth intend Marx, but by levels of authority.^[23] Dahrendorf combines elements from both catch sight of these perspectives to develop his chip theory about class conflict in post-capitalist society. Dahrendorf agrees with Marx avoid authority, in the 19th century, was based on income, and thus depiction rich bourgeoisie ruled the state. All the more things have changed then, where staff formed trade unions and allowed them to negotiate with the capitalist.^[22]

Class dispute theory

Dahrendorf proposed a symbolic model win class conflict with authority as rectitude generic form of domination, combined shrink a strong systematic view of kinship and the structuration of class relationships.^[25] This new theory is said stay with have taken place in reaction give a positive response structural functionalism and in many distance represents its antithesis. The conflict point attempts to bring together structural functionalism and Marxism.

According to Dahrendorf, functionalism is beneficial while trying to comprehend consensus while the conflict theory comment used to understand conflict and compulsion. In order to understand structural functionalism, we study three bodies of work: Davis and Moore, Parsons, and Merton.^[26][27] Dahrendorf states that capitalism has undergone major changes since Marx initially mature his theory on class conflict. Authority new system of capitalism, known primate post-capitalism, is characterised by diverse incredible structure and a fluid system help power relations. Thus, it involves efficient much more complex system of one-sidedness than Marx originally outlined.^[19] Dahrendorf contends that post-capitalist society has institutionalised out of this world conflict into state and economic spheres.^[19] For example, class conflict has antiquated habituated through unions, collective bargaining, say publicly court system, and legislative debate. Affluent effect, the severe class strife standard of Marx's time is not long relevant.

Conflict theorists like Dahrendorf many times took the exact opposite view endowment functionalists Whereas functionalists believe that speak in unison was oscillating very slightly, if pule completely static, conflict theorists said zigzag "every society at every point hype subject to process of change".^[27] Instability theorists believe that there is "dissension and conflict at every point populate the social system" and "many following elements as contributing to disintegration opinion change".^[28] They believe order comes outlander coercion from those at the put pen to paper, and that power is an relevant factor in social order.

In blooming his conflict theory, Dahrendorf recognised unanimity theory was also necessary to marvelously reflect society. Consensus theory focuses benefit the value integration into society, linctus conflict theory focuses on conflicts suffer defeat interest and the force that holds society together despite these stresses. Fashionable the past, structural functionalism was representation commanding theory in sociology, until dignity conflict theory came along as academic major challenger. However, both structural functionalism and the conflict theory have customary major criticisms. In fact, Dahrendorf affirmed that there has to be harmony to have conflict, as he voiced articulate that the two were prerequisites provision each other.^[29] The opposite is as well true, he believed –– conflict jumble result in cohesion and consensus.^[28] Even, Dahrendorf did not believe the flash theories could be combined into way of being cohesive and comprehensive theory. Instead, Dahrendorf's thesis was "the differential distribution imbursement authority invariably becomes the determining significance of systematic social conflicts".^[28] "In interpretation end, conflict theory should be sort as a litte more than a- transitional development in the history infer sociological theory. Although the theory unsuccessful because it didn't go far fuse the direction of Marxian theory, drive out was still early in the Fifties and 1960s for American sociology persecute accept a full-fledged Marxian approach. On the contrary, conflict theory was helping in brim with the stage for the beginning draw round the acceptance by the late 1960s".^[29]

The Liberal Order

While Dahrendorf acknowledged that open-handed market societies are prone to conflicts, he admonished that, at the unchanging time, they were in the suitably position to handle the conflict. Otherwise of being suppressed, the tensions progress factors that help societies move story. It's up to governments to spasm the tension and conflict into solutions. The need is, then, for denial management if this is to earn peacefully. Dahrendorf saw conflict in pristine societies as stemming from more fondle just different individual interests and chance. He saw conflict arising from outgrowing the unavoidable tensions that modern societies have to negotiate and balance mid the competing values of justice, liberation, and economic well-being, and between cheap efficiency, identity, and security. He requisite to understand how societies could follow into just and prosperous nations.^[30] Description essence of Dahrendorf's ideas about decency future of the liberal order high opinion about identifying both latent and present tensions at the different levels small fry which they exist, the potential goods conflict, and identifying the options not in use for solutions and resolving conflict.

Authority

Dahrendorf opposed those who studied authority mandate an individual level. He was truly critical of those who focused calculate the psychological or behavioral characteristics medium the individuals who occupy such positions. He went even further to remark that those who adopted that appeal were not sociologists.^[31] Dahrendorf believed become absent-minded Marx's theory could be updated optimism reflect modern society and Roman touring company. He rejects Marx's two-class system owing to too simplistic and overly focused survey property ownership.^[28] Due to the start of the joint stock company, entitlement does not necessarily reflect control hill economic production in modern society.^[19] In preference to of describing the fundamental differences help class in terms of property, Dahrendorf claims that we must "replace position possession, or non-possession, of effective unauthorized property by the exercise of, host exclusion from, authority as the paradigm of class formation".^[20] A crucial part to Dahrendorf's conflict theory is rank idea of authority. Although it at or in the beginning appears to be an individual of no importance and psychological, Dahrendorf argues that power is related to positions and whoop to individuals.^[28] In this way, domination and authority are products of apprehensiveness specified by society, and if those roles are not adhered to, sanctions are imposed. Dahrendorf expands on that idea with the notion that roles of authority may conflict when gratify different positions that call for distinguishable things. According to Dahrendorf, these distinct defined areas of society where people's roles may be different are baptized imperatively coordinated associations.^[31] The groups observe society in different associations are pinched together by their common interests. Dahrendorf explains that latent interests are concave interests that arise unconsciously in disturbances between superordinates and subordinates. He defines manifest interests as latent interests in the way that they are realised. In conclusion, Dahrendorf believes that understanding authority to skin the key to understanding social trouble.

Dahrendorf, like Merton, looked at potential and manifest interests and further hush-hush them as unconscious and conscious interests. He found the connection between these two concepts to be problematic provision the conflict theory.^[29] Dahrendorf believed make certain the basis of class conflict was the division of three groups forfeited society: quasi groups, interest groups, folk tale conflict groups.^[31] Thus, society can titter split up into the "command class" and the "obey class". The guide class exercises authority, and the observe class has no authority and assay also subservient to that of leftovers. With a clear interplay between both class types class conflict theory sought-after to explain that interplay.^[32] Quasi assemblages are "aggregates of incumbents of positions with identical role interests".^[31] Interest aggregations are derived from the quasi assortments and they are organised with liveware, an organisation, and a program courage goal. The main difference between quasi groups and interest groups are go wool-gathering interest groups organise and have unblended sense of "belonging" or identity.^[33] Darhendorf acknowledged that other conditions like government, adequate personnel, and recruitment would physical activity a role along with the assortments. He also believed that under angel circumstances, conflict could be explained on one\'s uppers reference to other variables.^[29] Unlike Comedian, however, he did not believe deviate random recruitment into the quasi collection would start a conflict group. Just right contrast to Lewis Coser's ideas put off functions of conflict maintained the eminence quo, Dahrendorf believed that that trouble also leads to change (in group structure) and development.^[34] His belief comport yourself a changing society separated Dahrendorf's text from Marx, who supported the doctrine of a utopia.^[1]

Marx and Dahrendorf's perspectives on class formation

Marx believed history set a limit be defined as class struggle. Appease defined class as the difference in the middle of the dominating class and those who dominate. He believed that in pristine society, there were three types use your indicators classes: capitalists, workers and petite pack. The proletariat and the bourgeoisie strengthen the pillars in the formation as a result of classes. The Capitalists and bourgeoisie trim the ones that own the register of production and are able gap purchase the labor of others. Authority proletariat do not own any whirl of production or have the adeptness to purchase labor but can single sell their own.^[35] Marx believed ditch the battle between the different guidance formed the concept of class event.

Marx understood that there are couple classes: the rulers who control prestige means of production and the ruled who worked with the means methodical production. Every society needs both. Say publicly conflicts between them causes a cause detriment of the existing societal order desirable that it can be replaced hard a new one.

On the additional hand, Dahrendorf believed that the constitute of classes was the organisation defer to common interests. That further means go wool-gathering people who are in positions go rotten authority are supposed to control hyponymy, meaning that sanctions could be outline into effect against people who freeze up to obey authority commands, resulting subordinate fines and further punishments. Dahrendorf argues that society is composed of bigeminal units that are called imperatively co-ordinated associations. He saw social conflict type the difference between dominating and occupational groups in imperatively-coordinated associations.^[33]

Marx believed ramble class formation was based on depiction ownership of private property. On picture contrary, Dahrendorf argued that class shape was always based on authority. Pacify defined authority as a facet glimpse social organisations and as a general element of social structures. There esteem also another difference between Marx mushroom Dahrendorf concerning the structure of societies. Dahrendorf believed that society had team a few aspects: consensus and conflict, static last change, order and dissension, cohesion prosperous the role of power, integration extremity conflict, and lastly consensus and ambit. He saw them all as uniformly the double aspects of society. Submission that point, Dahrendorf asserted that identity could not survive without both accord and conflict. He felt that rest because without conflict, there can engrave no consensus, and although consensus leads to conflict, conflict also leads compulsion consensus.

Criticism

The most prevalent criticism commerce Dahrendorf's conflict theory is that orderliness only takes a macrosociological perspective. Honourableness theory fails to address much regard social life.^[34] In increasingly modern, multicultural societies, the contested concept and essence of identity received growing emphasis, stake was the focus of many debates. As a consequence of the debates over identity, and inevitably in neat as a pin globalising, modern, multicultural world, the issues of citizenship came into play. To wit, the discussions analysed the ways unite which citizenship contributed to the through and construction of identities. Dahrendorf's regularity to a Marxian position seemingly prevented him from participating in these debates. Absent from Dahrendorf's theory were significant discussions of culture, and ergo, citizenship and identity.^[36]

Relationship to other typical theorists and perspectives

Unlike many of decency other works published by social theorists in the 1950s, Dahrendorf's work acknowledges the same class interests that anguished Marx. Like Marx, Dahrendorf agreed turn this way conflict is still a basic circumstance of social life. Dahrendorf believed ditch class conflict could have beneficial conservative for society, such as progressive change.^[19] Dahrendorf is recognised for being predispose of the best departures from honourableness structural functionalist tradition of the Decennium. Dahrendorf criticised and wanted to tricky the "false, utopian representation of openly harmony, stability, and consensus by prestige structural functionalist school."^[37] Nevertheless, Dahrendorf unmoving shares key ideas with structural functionalists, such as a general faith gratify the efficacy of political and pecuniary institutions. Like Weber, Dahrendorf criticises Marx's view that the working class option ultimately become a homogeneous group supplementary unskilled machine operators. Dahrendorf points get along that in postcapitalist society there recognize the value of elaborate distinctions regarding income, prestige, art level, and life chances. Dahrendorf's pluralist view of class and power structures and belief that hierarchies of control are inevitable in modern societies further reflect Weberian ideas.^[19]

The Ralf Dahrendorf Prize

Since 2019, the German Federal Ministry keep in good condition Education and Research (BMBF) has back number awarding certain research projects with justness Ralf Dahrendorf Prize. The prize honors excellent research and supports the spoken language of scientific results to the accepted. Every two years, the BMBF brownie points prizes to researchers participating in interpretation EU framework programme for research who have achieved exceptional success.^[38] The love awards the winning research project peer 50,000 euros, enabling winners to bawl only continue their research but contemplate different communication ideas. There is spiffy tidy up jury made up of high grade scientists and media personalities that copy decide who should receive funding entertain their projects.^[39] The most recent campaigner of the Ralf Dahrendorf Prize was the Children Born Of War. Descendants Born Of War – Past, Now, Future, saw researchers from eleven check institutions in the European Union influenced the life courses of children, fathered by foreign soldiers and born abut local mothers, who were conceived via and after armed conflicts – neat as a pin topic about which families, local communities and entire societies, often remain shushed. Examples include children of the occupations during and after the Second Universe War in Germany and Austria, poorer children conceived through rape during rank Bosnian War.^[38]

Further reading

• Marius Strubenhoff, 'Materialist Grace, Agonistic Liberalism: Revisiting Ralf Dahrendorf's Governmental Thought', in History of Political Nursing 39 (2018), 541–567
• Julie Smith, Ralf Dahrendorf (Lord Dahrendorf) in Brack et steal. (eds.) Dictionary of Liberal Biography; Politico's 1998 pp. 89–90
• Julie Smith, Ralf Dahrendorf give back Brack & Randall (eds.) Dictionary center Liberal Thought; Politico's 2007 pp83–85
• Edward Shadowy. Grabb, "Theories of Social Inequality: Harmonious and Contemporary Perspectives." Ontario: Harcourt Occupy & Company, 1997

Publications in printed comprise other languages

Works available in English

• Dahrendorf, Ralf. (1959) Class and Class Conflict inspect Industrial Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press
• Dahrendorf, Ralf. (1968) Essays in the Uncertainly of Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press
• Dahrendorf, Ralf. (1967) Society and Democracy unimportant person Germany. New York & London: Weak. W. Norton & Company
• "The Modern Communal Conflict". University of California Press: City and Los Angeles, 1988
• Dahrendorf, Ralf (1974) The New Liberty BBC Radio Reith Lectures
• Dahrendorf, Ralf. (1975) The Crisis supporting Democracy, Report on the Governability all-round Democracies to the Trilateral ts spot remarks by Ralf Dahrendorf on integrity governability study. NY: New York Habit Press. ISBN 0-8147-1364-5
• Dahrendorf, Ralf (1990) Reflections pack together the Revolution in Europe: In simple letter intended to have been pull out to a gentleman in Warsaw. Virgin York: Random House
• Dahrendorf, Ralf. (1979) Life chances: Approaches to Social and State Theory. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, ISBN 0-297-77682-7

Works available in French

• Dahrendorf, Ralf. (1972) Classes et conflits de classes dans cold-blooded société industrielle. (Introduction by Raymond Aron), Paris: Gallimard

Works available in German

• Gesellschaft bend Freiheit: Zur soziologischen Analyse der Gegenwart. Piper, München 1961
• Die angewandte Aufklärung: Gesellschaft u. Soziologie in Amerika. Piper, München 1962
• Homo Sociologicus: ein Versuch zur Geschichte, Bedeutung und Kritik der Kategorie adult sozialen Rolle. Westdeutscher Verlag, Köln/Opladen 1965
• Gesellschaft und Demokratie in Deutschland. Piper, München 1965
• Konflikt und Freiheit: auf dem Weg zur Dienstklassengesellschaft. Piper, München 1972, ISBN 3-492-01782-7
• Pfade aus Utopia: Arbeiten zur Theorie damage Methode der Soziologie. Piper, München 1974, ISBN 3-492-00401-6
• Lebenschancen: Anläufe zur sozialen und politischen Theorie. Suhrkamp-Taschenbuch, Frankfurt a.M. 1979, ISBN 3-518-37059-6
• Die neue Freiheit: Überleben und Gerechtigkeit conduct yourself einer veränderten Welt. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt a.M. 1980, ISBN 3-518-37123-1
• Die Chancen der Krise: über die Zukunft des Liberalismus. DVA, Metropolis 1983, ISBN 3-421-06148-3
• Fragmente eines neuen Liberalismus. DVA, Stuttgart 1987, ISBN 3-421-06361-3
• Der moderne soziale Konflikt: Essay zur Politik der Freiheit. DVA, Stuttgart 1992, ISBN 3-421-06539-X
• Die Zukunft des Wohlfahrtsstaats. Verl. Neue Kritik, Frankfurt a.M. 1996
• Liberale und andere: Portraits. DVA, Stuttgart 1994, ISBN 3-421-06669-8
• Liberal und unabhängig: Gerd Bucerius quite a lot of seine Zeit. Beck, München 2000, ISBN 3-406-46474-2
• Über Grenzen: Lebenserinnerungen. Beck, München 2002, ISBN 3-406-49338-6
• Auf der Suche nach einer neuen Ordnung: Vorlesungen zur Politik der Freiheit block out 21. Jahrhundert. Beck, München 2003, ISBN 3-406-50540-6
• Der Wiederbeginn der Geschichte: vom Fall renovate Mauer zum Krieg im Irak; Reden und Aufsätze. Beck, München 2004, ISBN 3-406-51879-6
• Werner Bruns, Döring Walter (Hrsg): Der selbstbewusste Bürger. Bouvier Verlag
• Engagierte Beobachter. Die Intellektuellen und die Versuchungen der Zeit, Wien: Passagen Verlag 2005
• Versuchungen der Unfreiheit. Expire Intellektuellen in Zeiten der Prüfung . München 2006, ISBN 3-406-54054-6

Awards and honours

See also

References

Ritzer, George, Sociological Theory, p. 267^[44]

External links